Fuck Yeah Thomas Jefferson

My colony is New Jersey! If you're still doing that :D

Thu, 30 May 2013 08:01:46 -0400

Hey-hey, I think we are? I’ll add you to the list when I get to updating it. :)

Principles of Freedom - The Epstein Collection - Thomas Jefferson to Dr. Benjamin Rush

Sun, 19 May 2013 04:00:23 -0400

Principles of Freedom - The Epstein Collection - Thomas Jefferson to Dr. Benjamin Rush:

strawberry-fox:

This is an invitation from Thomas Jefferson to Dr. Benjamin Rush

Look closely at the outside of the letter, at the names of the recipient… and the sender…

??????!!!!

EEEEEEEEEEEEEE

staysandstories: madtomedgar: strawberry-fox: A pair...

Sat, 18 May 2013 12:46:29 -0400

staysandstories:

madtomedgar:

strawberry-fox:

A pair of green-tinted spectacles is on display in the Monticello Visitors Center. These are believed to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson, although we do not know precisely what he used them for. According to Silvio Bedini, tinted glasses first appeared around 1810. They were not typically used as sunglasses as we might think of them, but “to improve the vision out of doors.”

why is he not depicted wearing these in every portrait

Somebody with art skills please rectify this horrible oversight.

bitchin

Photo

Fri, 12 Apr 2013 23:01:43 -0400

Happy birthday Mr. Jefferson

Fri, 12 Apr 2013 22:42:29 -0400

The mod is flying from India to France today and so can’t post anything in honor of this day, so why not hit up the submit box with your favorites and I’ll share those next weekend to spread out the Jefferson love?

The Internet’s Most Popular Pre-Internet US Presidents

Wed, 20 Feb 2013 13:14:15 -0500

The Internet’s Most Popular Pre-Internet US Presidents:

Spoiler alert: guess who won. :D

Photo

Tue, 12 Feb 2013 04:00:42 -0500

Anyone want to be the second mod?

Mon, 11 Feb 2013 20:06:20 -0500

It’s not that hard to do:

Find quality Jefferson-related posts.
Click to reblog here.
Tag.
Add to queue.
Enjoy.

My job doesn’t allow me the hours to continuously search and check and since there’ll be a lot of traveling, including a move to India for 1-2 months where I’ll be MIA on Tumblr, that means a lot of time not able to queue things.

When to look for things: if you wanted to constantly search on a regular basis you could; if you wanted to do it every once and a while and just queue up a massive number of posts, you could do that too.

If anyone is interested message me and let me know. Thank you!

mstuver: Here’s a broader view of the Thomas Jefferson statue...

Mon, 11 Feb 2013 04:00:39 -0500

mstuver:

Here’s a broader view of the Thomas Jefferson statue in Louisville, KY

Photo

Sun, 10 Feb 2013 04:00:40 -0500

There are few more annoying things on Tumblr than a Jefferson quote on WeHeartIt popping up about 30...

Sat, 09 Feb 2013 22:17:26 -0500

There are few more annoying things on Tumblr than a Jefferson quote on WeHeartIt popping up about 30 times on the Jefferson tag.

"His [Thomas Jefferson’s] dress when in the house, is a grey surtout coat, kerseymere stuff..."

Fri, 08 Feb 2013 04:00:39 -0500

“His [Thomas Jefferson’s] dress when in the house, is a grey surtout coat, kerseymere stuff waistcoat, with an under one faced with some material of a dingy red. His Pantaloons are very long, loose, & of the same colour as his coat. His stockings are woollen, either white or grey, & his shoes of the kind that bear his name. His whole dress is neglected but not slovenly. He wears a common round hat. He wears on horseback a grey strait bodiced coat, & a spencer of the same material, both fastened with large pearl buttons. When we first saw him he was riding, & in addition to the above, wore round his throat a knit white woolen tipet, in the place of a cravat, & black velvet gaiters under his Pantaloons.”

- Daniel Webster on Thomas Jefferson (via foundingfatherfest)

"this tells us who are entitled to the appellation of anarchists with which they have so liberally branded others.”

Thu, 07 Feb 2013 04:00:40 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

12.18.1800: “The election is under dilemma. the two republican candidates are probably even; and the states in Congress which are federal are disposed to take advantage of that circumstance, to prevent an election by Congress, and permit the government of the Union to be suspended for want of a head. this tells us who are entitled to the appellation of anarchists with which they have so liberally branded others.” —to Andrew Ellicott

12.18.1800: “the attractive nature of country employments are my apology to my friends for being a very unpunctual correspondent while at home. having no refuge here from my room and writing table, it is here that I fetch up the lee-way of my correspondence.” —to Andrew Ellicott

Full Transcription:

“Dear Sir, Washington Dec. 18. 1800

I recieved a little before I left home your favor of Oct. 17. as I had in due time the preceding one. the attractive nature of country employments are my apology to my friends for being a very unpunctual correspondent while at home. having no refuge here from my room and writing table, it is here that I fetch up the lee-way of my correspondence. I am glad to hear you are ready for printing your journal. it will be a great gratification to see it. I cannot suppose the administration can have any objections to the publication of the charts &c. my own opinion is that government should by all means in their power deal out the materials of information to the public in order that it may be reflected back on themselves in the various forms into which public ingenuity may throw it. mr Dunbar has been so kind as to pass through my hands a copy of his journal, made for the use of a friend of his in London. he sent it open for my perusal with a request to seal & forward it. I am happy to see that the location of the boundary has been so scientifically executed. he gives a physical account of the country which is interesting.

I think you had it in contemplation to establish an accurate meridian at this place, but whether in one of the public buildings, or where else I do not recollect. was it done? or is there any thing here which will preserve the meridian as found and worked on by you?

The election is under dilemma. the two republican candidates are probably even; and the states in Congress which are federal are disposed to take advantage of that circumstance, to prevent an election by Congress, and permit the government of the Union to be suspended for want of a head. this tells us who are entitled to the appellation of anarchists with which they have so liberally branded others. accept assurances of perfect esteem

Th: Jefferson”

A source for a full transcription of this letter from Thomas Jefferson to Andrew Ellicot may be found in The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association of The United States’ The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 19, beginning on p. 121. Ed., Lipscomb, Andrew A., and Bergh, Albert Ellery, here: http://books.google.com/books?id=cUkWAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA121&lpg=PA121&dq=thomas+jefferson+to+andrew+ellicott+december+18+1800&source=bl&ots=cAgfBA_n0v&sig=oDCsBao_nqyDsGwgqDvBbSGObVg&hl=en&sa=X&ei=AlLuToWTEuHw0gHinPTuCQ&ved=0CB4Q6AEwAA#

This version of the transcription was taken from The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Digital Edition, ed. Barbara B. Oberg and J. Jefferson Looney. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2008: http://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/TSJN-01-32-02-0221

Steve Edenbo as Thomas Jefferson: www.YourThomasJefferson.com

Thomas Jefferson on Twitter: @thos_jefferson

Thomas Jefferson’s Facebook page: www.Facebook.com/YourThomasJefferson

“Do not let false pride make a tea-act of your excise-laws.”

Wed, 06 Feb 2013 04:00:31 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

12.17.1794: “Make friends with the Trans-Alleganians. They are gone if you do not. Do not let false pride make a tea-act of your excise-laws.” —to William Branch Giles

Full Transcription:

“Dear Sir Dec. 17. 94.

I have made Mr. Bannister’s affair the subject of a separate letter, containing a full explanation of it, because by giving in the letter, it will give you no more trouble. I will only add here, what would have been too urging if expressed there, that if any thing be said of early paiment, I would rather be allowed to draw on any one there for the money than to have it sent here.

The attempt which has been made to restrain the liberty of our citizens meeting together, interchanging sentiments on what subjects they please, and stating these sentiments in the public papers, has come upon us, a full century earlier than I expected. To demand the censors of public measures to be given up for punishment is to renew the demand of the wolves in the fable that the sheep should give up their dogs as hostages of the peace and confidence established between them. The tide against our constitution is unquestionably strong but it will turn. Every thing tells me so, and every day verifies the prediction. Hold on then like a good and faithful seaman till our brother-sailors can rouse from their intoxication and right the vessel.—Make friends with the Trans-Alleganians. They are gone if you do not. Do not let false pride make a tea-act of your excise-laws. Adieu. Yours affectionately

Th: Jefferson”

This transcription of the December 17, 1794 letter from Thomas Jefferson to William Branch Giles was taken from The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Digital Edition, ed. Barbara B. Oberg and J. Jefferson Looney. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2008.

Steve Edenbo as Thomas Jefferson: www.YourThomasJefferson.com

Thomas Jefferson’s Facebook page: www.Facebook.com/YourThomasJefferson

Thomas Jefferson on Twitter: @thos_jefferson

“the votaries of science, however widely dispersed, however separated by religion, by allegiance or vocation, form but one family.”

Tue, 05 Feb 2013 04:00:29 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

12.16.1800: “…the votaries of science, however widely dispersed, however separated by religion, by allegiance or vocation, form but one family.” —to Caspar Wistar

Complete transcription:

“Dear Sir, Washington Dec. 16. 1800.

Having lately recieved from Count Rumford, one of the managers of the Royal institution of Great Britain a prospectus of that institution, with a letter expressing their desire to cultivate a friendly correspondence with the American Philosophical society, I have now the honor of forwarding them for the society. the application of science to objects immediately useful in life, which seems to be the principal end of this establishment must interest in it’s favor every friend of human happiness, & I have no doubt the society will meet with cordiality the overture made them, and add their example to the many existing proofs that the votaries of science, however widely dispersed, however separated by religion, by allegiance or vocation, form but one family.

I have recieved from mr Wm. Dunbar, who is settled near the Natchez sundry communications, which I think worthy of being made to the society. though the writer has not expressly authorised the laying them before the society, yet if it should be thought desireable to give any parts of them a place in their transactions, it could not be displeasing to him. so learned a correspondent, planted a thousand miles off, on the very verge of the great terra incognita of our western continent, is worthy of being cherished. he is easy in his fortune, master of his own time, and employs it in science altogether.

I am with great esteem Dear Sir Your friend & servt.

Th: Jefferson”

This transcription of the December 16, 1800 letter from Thomas Jefferson to Caspar Wistar was taken from the following source: http://jeffersonswest.unl.edu/archive/view_doc.php?id=jef.00137 , University of Nebraska–Lincoln. Center for Digital Research in the Humanities.

…as well as:

http://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/TSJN-01-32-02-0212 : The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Digital Edition, ed. Barbara B. Oberg and J. Jefferson Looney. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2008.

Steve Edenbo as Thomas Jefferson: www.YourThomasJefferson.com

Thomas Jefferson on Twitter: @thos_jefferson

Thomas Jefferson’s Facebook: www.Facebook.com/YourThomasJefferson

“My object too, at present, is peace and tranquillity, neither doing nor saying anything to be quoted, or to make me the subject of newspaper disquisitions.”

Mon, 04 Feb 2013 04:00:18 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

12.15.1810: “My object too, at present, is peace and tranquillity, neither doing nor saying anything to be quoted, or to make me the subject of newspaper disquisitions.” —to David Howell

12.15.1810: “I give more time to exercise of the body than of the mind, believing it wholesome to both.” —to David Howell

Full Transcription:

“Dear Sir, Monticello. Dec. 15. 10

Our last post brought me your friendly letter of November 27th. I learn with pleasure that republican principles are predominant in your State, because I conscientiously believe that governments founded in these are more friendly to the happiness of the people at large, and especially of a people so capable of self-government as ours. I have been ever opposed to the party so falsely called federalists, because I believe them desirous of introducing into our government authorities hereditary or otherwise independent of the national will. These always consume the public contributions, and oppress the people with labor and poverty. No one was more sensible than myself, while Governor Fenner was in the Senate, of the soundness of his political principles, and rectitude of his conduct. Among those of my fellow laborers of whom I had a distinguished opinion, he was one, and I have no doubt those among whom he lives, and who have already given him so many proofs of their unequivocal confidence in him, will continue so to do. It would be impertinent in me, a stranger to them, to tell them what they all see daily. My object too, at present, is peace and tranquillity, neither doing nor saying anything to be quoted, or to make me the subject of newspaper disquisitions. I read one or two newspapers a week, but with reluctance give even that time from Tacitus and Horace, and so much other more agreeable reading; indeed, I give more time to exercise of the body than of the mind, believing it wholesome to both. I enjoy, in recollection, my ancient friendships, and suffer no new circumstances to mix alloy with them. I do not take the trouble of forming opinions on what is passing among them, because I have such entire confidence in their integrity and wisdom as to be satisfied all is going right, and that every one is doing his best in the station confided to him. Under these impressions, accept sincere assurances of my continued esteem and respect for your self personally, and my best wishes for your health and happiness.

Th: Jefferson”

This transcription of the December 15, 1810 letter from Thomas Jefferson to David Howell was taken from the following source: http://www.ebooksread.com/authors-eng/tj-randolph/the-writings-of-thomas-jefferson-volume-12-hci/page-29-the-writings-of-thomas-jefferson-volume-12-hci.shtml , with a few minor corrections from the manuscript, which may be read at The Library of Congress, here: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mtj.mtjbib020457

“...our great leader, whose talents and whose weight of character I consider as peculiarly necessary to get the government so under way as that it may afterwards be carried on by subordinate characters.”

Sun, 03 Feb 2013 04:00:34 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

George Washington: February 22, 1732 – December 14, 1799: “…our great leader, whose talents and whose weight of character I consider as peculiarly necessary to get the government so under way as that it may afterwards be carried on by subordinate characters.” —to David Humphreys, March 18, 1789

Full Transcription:

“Dear Sir Paris Mar. 18. 1789.

Your favor of Nov. 29. 1788. came to hand the last month. How it happened that mine of Aug. 1787. was fourteen months on it’s way is inconceivable. I do not recollect by what conveyance I sent it. I had concluded however either that it had miscarried or that you had become indolent as most of our countrymen are in matters of correspondence.

The change in this country, since you left it, is such as you can form no idea of. The frivolities of conversation have given way entirely to politicks—men, women and children talk nothing else: and all you know talk a great deal. The press groans with daily productions, which in point of boldness make an Englishman stare, who hitherto has thought himself the boldest of men. A complete revolution in this government has, within the space of two years (for it began with the Notables of 1787) been effected merely by’ the force of public opinion, aided indeed by the want of money which the dissipations of the court had brought on. And this revolution has not cost a single life, unless we charge to it a little riot lately in Bretagne which begun about the price of bread, became afterwards political and ended in the loss of 4. or 5. lives. The assembly of the states general begins the 27th. of April. The representation of the people will be perfect. But they will be alloyed by an equal number of nobility and clergy. The first great question they will have to decide will be Whether they shall vote by orders or persons. And I have hopes that the majority of the nobles are already disposed to join the tiers etat in deciding that the vote shall be by persons. This is the opinion à la mode at present, and mode has acted a wonderful part in the present instance. All the handsome young women, for example, are for the tiers etat, and this is an army more powerful in France than the 200,000 men of the king. Add to this that the court itself is for the tiers etat, as the only agent which can relieve their wants: not by giving money themselves (they are squeezed to the last drop) but by pressing it from the non-contributing orders. The king stands engaged to pretend no more to the power of laying, continuing or appropriating taxes, to call the States general periodically, to submit letters de cachet to legal restriction, to consent to freedom of the press, and that all this shall be fixed by a fundamental constitution which shall bind his successors. He has not offered a participation in the legislature, but it will surely be insisted on. The public mind is so ripened on all these subjects, that there seems to be now but one opinion. The clergy indeed think separately, and the old men among the Nobles. But their voice is suppressed by the general one of the nation. The writings published on this occasion are some of them very valuable: because, unfettered by the prejudices under which the English labour, they give a full scope to reason, and strike out truths as yet unperceived and unacknoleged on the other side the channel. An Englishman, dozing under a kind of half reformation, is not excited to think by such gross absurdities as stare a Frenchman in the face wherever he looks, whether it be towards the throne or the altar. In fine I beleive this nation will in the course of the present year have as full a portion of liberty dealt out to them as the nation can bear at present, considering how uninformed the mass of their people is. This circumstance will prevent their immediate establishment of the trial by jury. The palsied state of the executive in England is a fortunate circumstance for France, as it will give them time to arrange their affairs internally. The consolidation and funding their debts will give them a credit which will enable them to do what they please. For the present year the war will be confined to the two empires and Denmark against Turkey and Sweden. It is not yet evident whether Prussia will be engaged. If the disturbances of Poland break out into overt acts, it will be a power divided in itself, and so of no weight. Perhaps by the next year England and France may be ready to take the feild. It will depend on the former principally, for the latter, tho she may be then able, must wish still a little time to see her new arrangements well under way. The English papers and English ministry say the king is well. He is better, but not well: no malady requires a longer time to ensure against it’s return, than insanity. Time alone can distinguish accidental insanity from habitual lunacy.

The operations which have taken place in America lately, fill me with pleasure. In the first place they realize the confidence I had that whenever our affairs get obviously wrong, the good sense of the people will interpose and set them to rights. The example of changing a constitution by assembling the wise men of the state, instead of assembling armies, will be worth as much to the world as the former examples we had given them. The constitution too which was the result of our deliberations, is unquestionably the wisest ever yet presented to men, and some of the accomodations of interest which it has adopted are greatly pleasing to me who have before had occasions of seeing how difficult those interests were to accomodate. A general concurrence of opinion seems to authorize us to say it has some defects. I am one of those who think it a defect that the important rights, not placed in security by the frame of the constitution itself, were not explicitly secured by a supplementary declaration. There are rights which it is useless to surrender to the government, and which yet, governments have always been fond to invade. These are the rights of thinking, and publishing our thoughts by speaking or writing: the right of free commerce: the right of personal freedom. There are instruments for administering the government, so peculiarly trust-worthy, that we should never leave the legislature at liberty to change them. The new constitution has secured these in the executive and legislative departments; but not in the judiciary. It should have established trials by the people themselves, that is to say by jury. There are instruments so dangerous to the rights of the nation, and which place them so totally at the mercy of their governors, that those governors, whether legislative or executive, should be restrained from keeping such instruments on foot but in well defined cases. Such an instrument is a standing army. We are now allowed to say such a declaration of rights, as a supplement to the constitution where that is silent, is wanting to secure us in these points. The general voice has legitimated this objection. It has not however authorized me to consider as a real defect, what I thought and still think one, the perpetual re-eligibility of the president. But three states out of 11. having declared against this, we must suppose we are wrong according to the fundamental law of every society, the lex majoris partis, to which we are bound to submit. And should the majority change their opinion, and become sensible that this trait in their constitution is wrong, I would wish it to remain uncorrected as long as we can avail ourselves of the services of our great leader, whose talents and whose weight of character I consider as peculiarly necessary to get the government so under way as that it may afterwards be carried on by subordinate characters.

I must give you sincere thanks for the details of small news contained in your letter. You know how precious that kind of information is to a person absent from his country, and how difficult it is to be procured. I hope to receive soon permission to visit America this summer, and to possess myself anew, by conversation with my countrymen, of their spirit and their ideas. I know only the Americans of the year 1784. They tell me this is to be much a stranger to those of 1789. This renewal of acquaintance is no indifferent matter to one acting at such a distance as that instructions cannot be received hot and hot. One of my pleasures too will be that of talking over the old and new with you. In the mean time, and at all times, I have the honor to be with great & sincere esteem Dear Sir Your friend & servant,

Th: Jefferson”

This transcription of the March 18, 1789 letter from Thomas Jefferson to David Humphreys was taken from the following source: http://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/TSJN-01-14-02-0422 . The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Digital Edition, ed. Barbara B. Oberg and J. Jefferson Looney. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2008.

Steve Edenbo as Thomas Jefferson: www.YourThomasJefferson.com

Thomas Jefferson on Twitter: @thos_jefferson

Thomas Jefferson’s Facebook page: www.Facebook.com/YourThomasJefferson

“I deem no government safe which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any other authority than that of the nation, or it’s regular functionaries.”

Sat, 02 Feb 2013 04:00:26 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

12.13.1803: “I deem no government safe which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any other authority than that of the nation, or it’s regular functionaries.” —to the Secretary of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin

Full Transcription:

“Washington Dec. 13, 03.

The Attorney Genl having considered and decided that the prescription in the law for establishing a bank, that the officers in the subordinate offices of discount & deposit, shall be appointed “on the same terms and in the same manner practised in the principal bank,” does not extend to them the principle of rotation, established by the Legislature in the body of directors in the principal bank, it follows that the extension of that principle has been merely a voluntary & prudential act of the principal bank, from which they are free to depart. I think the extension was wise & proper on their part, because the Legislature having deemed rotation useful in the principal bank constituted by them, there would be the same reason for it in the subordinate banks to be established by the principal. It breaks in upon the esprit de corps so apt to prevail in permanent bodies; it gives a chance for the public eye penetrating into the sanctuary of those proceedings & practices, which the avarice of the directors may introduce for their personal emolument, & which the resentments of excluded directors, or the honesty of those duly admitted, might betray to the public; and it gives an opportunity at the end of the year, or at other periods, of correcting a choice, which, on trial, proves to have been unfortunate; an evil of which themselves complain in their distant institutions. Whether, however, they have a power to alter this, or not, the executive has no right to decide; & their consultation with you has been merely an act of complaisance, or a desire to shield so important an innovation under the cover of executive sanction. But ought we to volunteer our sanction in such a case? Ought we to disarm ourselves of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution shall be a legitimate subject of consideration? I own, I think the most proper answer would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to give an opinion on the question.

From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of establishing a branch bank of the U. S. in New Orleans. This institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the principles & form of our Constitution. The nation is, at this time, so strong & united in it’s sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this moment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by it’s branches every part of the Union, acting by command & in phalanx, may, in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any other authority than that of the nation, or it’s regular functionaries. What an obstruction could not this bank of the U. S., with all it’s branch banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the peace we should accept, or withdraw it’s aids. Ought we then to give further growth to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile we know, 1, from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing the body of directors in every bank, principal or branch; and those of most of the stockholders: 2, from their opposition to the measures & principles of the government, & to the election of those friendly to them: and 3, from the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now, while we are strong, it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our Constitution, to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect subordination under it’s authorities. The first measure would be to reduce them to an equal footing only with other banks, as to the favors of the government. But, in order to be able to meet a general combination of the banks against us, in a critical emergency, could we not make a beginning towards an independent use of our own money, towards holding our own bank in all the deposits where it is received, and letting the treasurer give his draft or note, for payment at any particular place, which, in a well-conducted government, ought to have as much credit as any private draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give us the same facilities which we derive from the banks? I pray you to turn this subject in your mind, and to give it the benefit of your knowledge of details; whereas, I have only very general views of the subject. Affectionate salutations.”

This transcription of the December 13, 1803 letter from Thomas Jefferson to Albert Gallatin was taken from the following source: http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/806/87446

Steve Edenbo as Thomas Jefferson: www.YourThomasJefferson.com

Thomas Jefferson on Twitter: @thos_jefferson

Thomas Jefferson’s Facebook: www.Facebook.com/YourThomasJefferson

“You know best what effect it will have on the minds of the money lenders of that country should we fail in this payment.”

Fri, 01 Feb 2013 04:00:44 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

12.12.1787: “You know best what effect it will have on the minds of the money lenders of that country should we fail in this payment.” —to John Adams

Full Transcription:

“Dear Sir, Paris Dec. 12, 1787

In the month of July I received from Fiseaux & co. of Amsterdam a letter notifying me that the principal of their loan to the United states would become due the first day of January. I answered them that I had neither powers nor information on the subject, but would transmit their letter to the Board of treasury. I did so by the packet which sailed from Havre Aug. 10. The earliest answer possible would have been by the packet which arrived at Havre three or four days ago. But by her I do not receive the scrip of a pen from any body. This makes me suppose that my letters are committed to Paul Jones who was to sail a week after the departure of the packet: and that possibly he may be the bearer of orders from the treasury to repay Fiseaux’ loan with the money you borrowed. But it is also possible he may bring no order on the subject. The slowness with which measures are adopted on our side the water does not permit us to count on punctual answers: but on the contrary renders it necessary for us to suppose in the present case that no orders will arrive in time, and to consider whether any thing, and what should be done? As it may be found expedient to transfer all our foreign debts to Holland by borrowing there, and as it may always be prudent to preserve a good credit in that country because we may [be] forced into wars whether we will or no, I should suppose it very imprudent to suffer our credit to be annihilated by so small a sum as 51,000 guelders. The injury will be greater too in proportion to the smallness of the sum: for they will ask ‘How can a people be trusted for large sums who break their faith for such small ones?’ You know best what effect it will have on the minds of the money lenders of that country should we fail in this payment. You know best also whether it is practicable and prudent for us to have this debt paid without orders. I refer the matter therefore wholly to your consideration, willing to participate with you in any risk, and any responsability which may arise. I think it one of those cases where it is a duty to risk one’s self. You will perceive, by the inclosed, the necessity of an immediate answer, and that if you think any thing can and should be done all the necessary authorities from you should accompany your letter. In the mean time should I receive any orders from the Treasury by P. Jones, I will pursue them, and consider whatever you shall have proposed or done, as non avenue. I am with much affection Dear Sir Your most obedient & most humble servt.,

Th: Jefferson”

This transcription of the 12.12.1787 letter from Thomas Jefferson to John Adams was taken from the following source: http://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/TSJN-01-12-02-0425 ; The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Digital Edition, ed. Barbara B. Oberg and J. Jefferson Looney. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2008.

Steve Edenbo as Thomas Jefferson: www.YourThomasJefferson.com

Thomas Jefferson on Twitter: @thos_jefferson

Thomas Jefferson on Facebook: www.Facebook.com/YourThomasJefferson

“there are so many delicious occupations of the more active kind”

Thu, 31 Jan 2013 04:00:16 -0500

yourthomasjefferson:

12.12.1800: “but when I am at home there are so many delicious occupations of the more active kind that it is as difficult to drag me to my writing table, as to get a horse, broken loose from confinement, to re-enter his stable door.” —To Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours

Full Transcription:

Washington, DC. Dec. 12, 1800

“I know, my dear friend, that you sent me, so long ago as August, the much desired, and much valued piece on education, which I read with great pleasure, and ought to have acknoleged it’s receipt. but when I am at home there are so many delicious occupations of the more active kind that it is as difficult to drag me to my writing table, as to get a horse, broken loose from confinement, to re-enter his stable door. I intended to [have] brought on the piece and left it with my friend mr Madison [who] associates with me in the wish to improve the state of our education. but in the hurry of my departure, I left it at home. you say you propose to get it translated. but I believe it impossible to translate your writings. it would be easier to translate Homer, which yet [has] never been done. several of us tried our hands on the memoir you gave me for the Philosophical society, but after trials, gave it up as desperate and determined to print it in French.—at length our [labor] seems to have a certain issue, notwithstanding the annihilation of the vote of Pennsylvania. when will your affairs lead you to visit this place? you [may] probably find here one friend more than at any preceding period. salutations of respect & esteem to your good family, & to yourself [life, health] & happiness. Adieu.

Th: Jefferson”

This transcription of the December 12, 1800 letter from Thomas Jefferson to Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours was taken from the following source: http://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/TSJN-01-32-02-0201 : The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Digital Edition, ed. Barbara B. Oberg and J. Jefferson Looney. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2008.

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